Por GERMÁN AYALA OSORIO
Con la renuncia a su condición de senador, los abogados de Álvaro Uribe y el propio expresidente buscan zafarse de la Sala de Instrucción de la Corte Suprema de Justicia y por esa vía hacer que su caso pase a la justicia ordinaria, en cabeza de la Fiscalía General.
Antes de examinar los hechos sobre los cuales la Corte Suprema deberá definir si mantiene o no la competencia para seguir investigando a Uribe, la dimisión del político antioqueño y su condición de reo ponen a prueba los liderazgos al interior de una colectividad que ha funcionado más como una secta, que como un partido político. El carácter megalómano y autoritario de Uribe es el factor que ha impedido que dentro de la misma bancada uribista sobresalgan otras formas de entender y asumir la política, esto es, más allá de la idolatría que todos profesan hacia dicho “mesías”. Así entonces, no se puede esperar que del Centro Democrático emerjan lideresas y líderes distintos, por cuanto han invertido años en adorar a su dios, en lugar de prepararse para asumir la dirección de una fuerza política que hoy tiene en sus manos el manejo del Estado.
Lo primero que hay que decir es que existe jurisprudencia de la misma Corte Suprema para enfrentar este tipo de argucias. En el contexto de la parapolítica, varios de los congresistas investigados por los entonces magistrados que hacían parte del alto tribunal renunciaron a su curul, buscando lo mismo que hoy busca Uribe: liberarse de su juez natural, pensando en buscar y alcanzar beneficios jurídicos en la justicia ordinaria. En esa ocasión, la Corte Suprema continuó procesando y profiriendo condena contra varios congresistas cercanos a Uribe que aceptaron tener vínculos con grupos paramilitares.
Lo segundo, la Corte deberá explicar por qué debe mantener la competencia. El primer elemento señala que los delitos por los cuales es investigado y procesado el caballista y exgobernador de Antioquia deben estar anclados a su función de congresista. En este punto, hay disímiles lecturas de penalistas. Por supuesto que dentro de la función de este tipo de aforados no está manipular testigos y apelar a prácticas que lo hagan incurrir en fraude procesal. Y aquí vale la pena hacer varias disquisiciones eminentemente políticas, no jurídicas: estamos ante un operador político y legislativo que traspasó no solo los límites éticos y morales que rodean su condición de congresista, sino que actuó como congresista para intentar, con evidente celeridad, presionar a testigos claves en procesos que reposan en la misma Corte Suprema, relacionados con el paramilitarismo y la comisión de masacres, entre otros delitos.
Pero hay otro elemento político de superior jerarquía: su condición de exjefe de Estado no solo está por encima de su rol como congresista, sino que le exige los más altos estándares de eticidad en su vida pública y privada. Es inaceptable para una sociedad moralmente confundida como la colombiana, que un expresidente participe y haga parte de prácticas mafiosas, dolosas y ruines, que llevaron a que la Sala de Instrucción lo procese hoy por los delitos de fraude procesal y compra y manipulación de testigos y haya considerado su detención domiciliaria: porque concentra un inmenso poder político y económico para entorpecer la investigación penal que se le adelanta. Resulta repulsivo ver y escuchar al expresidente rodeado de bandidos, hablando con bandidos e incluso usando su propio lenguaje.
Ahora bien, hay elementos que harían viable que la Corte Suprema de Justicia decida mantener la competencia sobre el proceso legal. Estos elementos o factores son: primero, su decisión de demandar al senador Cepeda por supuestamente manipular testigos para que declararan en su contra, se dio en el marco de un debate político, escenario directamente relacionado con su función de senador. Segundo, el uso de recursos de su UTL (Unidad de Trabajo Legislativo) para hacer sus “vueltas” con el abogado Cadena. La Corte deberá explicar en qué circunstancias de tiempo, modo y lugar se dieron esos usos indebidos de su UTL, para enlodar a su contradictor el senador Iván Cepeda. Estos dos elementos deberían de ser suficientes para que el alto tribunal decida mantener la competencia y seguir adelante con la investigación. Y en poco tiempo, resolver si llama o no a juicio al ganadero y latifundista.
Hay otro factor que podría tener en cuenta la Corte para reiterar la potestad de continuar al frente del caso Uribe. Es la posibilidad de que, una vez llamado a juicio por los delitos de fraude procesal y compra de testigos, y declarado culpable, esa circunstancia permita mover y sacudir los folios de cerca de 30 demandas o casos que reposan en ese mismo tribunal, y en los que Uribe es sujeto procesal, demandado, investigado o iniciado, por paramilitarismo, comisión de masacres y homicidios. Es decir: una vez debilitado políticamente y judicialmente vencido, los magistrados que están por encima de los que hacen parte de la Sala de Instrucción podrían llenarse de valor para dar trámite y acelerar los numerosos procesos que hoy duermen el sueño del olvido.
Es posible que en 24 o 48 horas se sepa si el proceso sigue en manos de la Honorable Corte Suprema de Justicia o si pasa a la justicia ordinaria, la cual, en cabeza de un Fiscal General amigo del presidente y cercano a Uribe, es garantía de preclusión de la investigación.
Veremos entonces en qué queda esta jugadita del señor Uribe.
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